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Zionism emerged at the end of the nineteenth century in response to a rise in anti-Semitism in Europe and to the crisis of modern Jewish identity. This novel, national revolution aimed to unite a scattered community, defined mainly by shared texts and literary tradition, into a vibrant political entity destined for the Holy Land. However, Zionism was about much more than a national political ideology and practice.

By tracing its origins in the context of a European history of ideas and by considering the writings of key Jewish and Hebrew writers and thinkers from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the book offers an entirely new philosophical perspective on Zionism as a unique movement based on intellectual boldness and belief in human action. In counter-distinction to the studies of history and ideology that dominate the field, this book also offers a new way of reflecting upon contemporary Israeli politics.

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Israel has made a unique contribution to the nuclear age. It has created a special "bargain" with the bomb. Israel is the only nuclear-armed state that does not acknowledge its possession of the bomb, even though its existence is a common knowledge throughout the world. It only says that it will not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons to the Middle East. The bomb is Israel's collective ineffable - the nation's last great taboo. This bargain has a name: in Hebrew, it is called amimut, or opacity. By adhering to the bargain, which was born in a secret deal between Richard Nixon and Golda Meir, Israel has created a code of nuclear conduct that encompasses both governmental policy and societal behavior. The bargain has deemphasized the salience of nuclear weapons, yet it is incompatible with the norms and values of a liberal democracy. It relies on secrecy, violates the public right to know, and undermines the norm of public accountability and oversight, among other offenses. It is also incompatible with emerging international nuclear norms. Author of the critically acclaimed Israel and the Bomb, Avner Cohen offers a bold and original study of this politically explosive subject. Along with a fair appraisal of the bargain's strategic merits, Cohen critiques its undemocratic flaws. Arguing that the bargain has become increasingly anachronistic, he calls for a reform in line with domestic democratic values as well as current international nuclear norms. Most ironic, he believes Iran is imitating Israeli amimut. Cohen concludes with fresh perspectives on Iran, Israel, and the effort toward global disarmament.

This is an exploration of the origins and development of Zionism, illustrating the theory and history of the Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel. In recent years, there has been an explosion of interest in Middle Eastern affairs. The conflict between Israel and the Palestinians is a constant theme on television and in newspapers. Yet there is considerable misunderstanding about the origins and ideology of the Zionist movement. This volume seeks to address these issues by providing a concise but comprehensive guide to the origins and development of Zionism from its inception in the nineteenth century until the creation of the Jewish state of Israel in 1948. Dan Cohn-Sherbok explores how, in the early stages of Zionism, a number of Jewish thinkers including religious Zionists, spiritual Zionists and secular Zionists formulated various theories about the need for a Jewish homeland. Illustrating the history of the Zionist movement up to the creation of Israel in 1948, the author also provides an extensive explanation of the various forms of anti-Zionism which emerged in the early history of the Zionist movement. B3141

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The Divided People describes a fracturing Israel, a deeply divided state whose political system is buckling and whose society is rapidly polarizing into religious and secular camps. Written by a social scientist and drawing upon social science research, the work documents the emergence of separate social networks, residential areas, symbols, and identities-and even a split in the Hebrew language itself. Yet rather than argue for a return to the commonality of the past, Eva Etzioni-Halevy champions Israel's painful transition toward a truly multicultural society prepared to embrace diversity and democracy. This provocative new book carries a supremely important message for a postmodern Israel taking its first painful steps toward pluralism, liberalism, and tolerance, and a wider lesson for western nations grappling with the problems of a devolutionary age.

Van 37.90 voor 28.50.

The emergence of Israel in Canaan is perhaps the most debated topic in biblical/Syro-Palestinian archaeology, and related fields. Accordingly, it has received a great deal of attention in recent years, both in scholarly literature and in popular publications. Generally speaking, however, the archaeology of ancient Israel is wedged in a paradoxical situation. Despite the large existing database of archaeological finds (from thousands of excavations conducted over an extremely limited area) scholars in this (sub)discipline typically do not engage in "theoretical" (anthropological) discussions, thus exposing a large gap between it and other branches of archaeology, in this respect. Numerous 'archaeologically oriented' studies of Israelite ethnicity are still conducted largely in the spirit of the 'culture history school', and are absent of thorough reference to the work of more recent critics, which, at best, make a selected appearance in these analyses."Israel's Ethnogenesis" provides an "anthropologically-oriented" perspective to the discussion of Israel's ethnogenesis. The book traces Israel's emergence in Canaan, and the complex processes of ethnic negotiations and re-negotiations that accompanied it. This monograph incorporates detailed archaeological data and relevant textual sources, within an anthropological framework. Moreover, it contributes to the 'archaeology of ethnicity', a field which currently attracts significant attention of archaeologists and anthropologists all over the world. Making use of an unparalleled archaeological database from ancient Israel, this volume has much to offer to the ongoing debate over the nature of ethnicity in general, and to the understudied question of how ethnic groups evolve (ethnogenesis), in particular.

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The legitimacy of the Zionist project--establishing a Jewish homeland in Palestine--has been questioned since its inception. In recent years, the voices challenging the legitimacy of the State of Israel have become even louder. Chaim Gans examines these doubts and presents an in-depth, evenhanded philosophical analysis of the justice of Zionism. Today, alongside a violent Middle East where many refuse to accept Israel's existence, there are two academically respectable arguments for the injustice of Zionism. One claim is that the very return of the Jews to Palestine was unjust. The second argument is that Zionism is an exclusivist ethnocultural nationalism out of step with current visions of multicultural nationhood. While many therefore claim that Zionism is in principle an unjust political philosophy, Gans seeks out a more nuanced ground to explain why Zionism, despite its manifest flaws, could in principle be just. Its flaws stem from the current situation, where exigencies have distorted its implementation, and from historical forces that have ended up favoring an extreme form of Jewish hegemony. For Gans, the justice of Zionism and of Israel are not black-and-white propositions. Rather, they are projects in need of repair, which can be achieved by reconceptualizing the Jews' relationship with the Palestinian population and by adhering to a significantly more limited version of Jewish hegemony. Ultimately, A Just Zionism offers a concrete, historically and geographically rooted investigation of the limits of contemporary nationalism in one of the world's most fraught cases.

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The Six Day War in 1967 profoundly influenced how an increasing number of religious Zionists saw Israeli victory as the manifestation of God's desire to redeem God's people. Thousands of religious Israelis joined the Gush Emunim movement in 1974 to create settlements in territories occupied in the war. However, over time, the Israeli government decided to return territory to Palestinian or Arab control. This was perceived among religious Zionist circles as a violation of God's order. The peak of this process came with the Disengagement Plan in 2005, in which Israel demolished all the settlements in the Gaza Strip and four settlements in the West Bank. This process raised difficult theological questions among religious Zionists. This book explores the internal mechanism applied by a group of religious Zionist rabbis in response to their profound disillusionment with the state, reflected in an increase in religious radicalization due to the need to cope with the feelings of religious and messianic failure.

This thought-provoking book, the first of its kind in the English language, reexamines the fifty-year-old nation of Israel in terms of its origins as a haven for a persecuted people and its evolution into a multi-cultural society. Arguing that the mono-cultural regime built during the 1950s is over, Baruch Kimmerling suggests that the Israeli state has divided into seven major cultures. These seven groups, he contends, have been challenging one other for control over resource distribution and the identity of the polity. Kimmerling, one of the most prominent social scientists and political analysts of Israel today, relies on a large body of sociological work on the state, civil society, and ethnicity to present an overview of the construction and deconstruction of the secular-Zionist national identity. He shows how Israeliness is becoming a prefix for other identities as well as a legal and political concept of citizen rights granted by the state, though not necessarily equally to different segments of society.

Journalist Hans Knoop houdt zich al bijna vijftig jaar intensief bezig met het wel en wee van de staat Israël. In het voorjaar van 1967 wordt de jonge reporter Hans Knoop, op eigen verzoek, de eerste Telegraaf-correspondent in Israël Vanuit standplaats Tel Aviv doet hij van uur tot uur verslag van de Zesdaagse Oorlog. In bijna een halve eeuw journalistiek werk heeft Knoop vrijwel alle actoren in het Israelisch-Arabische conflict in Israël persoonlijk leren kennen. Aanvankelijk behoort Knoop tot de haviken in het Israelisch-Arabisch conflict. Zo richt hij, samen met enkele vrienden, in het begin van de jaren zeventig een Nederlandse afdeling op van de partij van de toenmalige Israelische oppositieleider Menachem Begin. Vanaf het midden van de jaren tachtig begint echter de visie van Knoop te kantelen. Net als voormalige hardliners als b.v. Sharon, Livni en Olmert, geraakt hij tot de overtuiging dat alleen een tweestatenoplossing vrede en verzoening tussen Joden en Palestijnen kan brengen. In zijn nieuwe boek gaat Knoop uitvoerig in op het internationale isolement waarin de staat Israël in de loop der jaren terecht is gekomen. Hoewel hij afrekent met tal van Israël-bashers staat Knoop uitgebreid stil bij het feit dat Israël zelf verre van onschuldig is in haar steeds groter wordende isolement. Hans Knoop (1943) is sinds zijn jeugd actief betrokken bij de joodse gemeenschap en de staat Israël. Hij maakte wereldnieuws met zijn reportages over de oorlogsmisdadiger Pieter Menten. Hans Knoop werkt als freelance journalist, is een veelgevraagd spreker en schreef verschillende boeken.

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The term "Zionism" was first coined at the end of the 19th century, but the idea long reflected the misery of Jewish existence in central and eastern Europe, and the longing for the ancient homeland. Updated, and with a new preface, Walter Laqueur's comprehensive history begins with a discussion of the background of Zionism since the French Revolution, covers the many decades of Zionist activities worldwide, and ends with the establishment of the state of Israel.

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Antony Lerman traces his five-decade personal and political journey from idealistic socialist Zionist to controversial critic of Zionism and Israeli policies towards the Palestinians. As head of an influential UK Jewish think tank, he operated at the highest levels of international Jewish political and intellectual life. He recalls his 1960s Zionist activism, two years spent on kibbutz and service in the IDF, followed by the gradual onset of doubts about Israel on returning to England. Assailed for his growing public criticism of Israeli policy and Zionism, he details his ostracism by the Jewish establishment. Through his insider's critique of Zionism, critical assessment of Jewish politics and analysis of the Israel-Palestine conflict Lerman presents a powerful, human rights-based argument about how a just peace can be achieved.

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verschijnt dec 2012

Wat begon als de droom van een man, groeide in de jaren zestig uit tot een sociaal experiment: de kiboets. Een nederzetting van nieuwe Joden die privebezit en hierarchie afschaften en cooperatie centraal stelden. Het meest opzienbarende en later meest bekritiseerde onderdeel van de kiboets was het kinderhuis, waarin de jongste bewoners werden ondergebracht om een gezamenlijke opvoeding te genieten, zonder de zorg van hun biologische ouders.

Yael Ne'eman was een van die kinderen. Op licht ironische wijze beschrijft ze hoe het was om daar op te groeien en hoe ze er nu, vijftig jaar later, op terugkijkt. Aangezien ook haar herinneringen deel uitmaken van het collectief, weet ze het sentiment van een hele generatie kiboetsniks te verwoorden.

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Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger, world experts on the study of terror and security, propose a theory of violence that contextualizes not only recent acts of terror but also instances of terrorism that stretch back centuries. Beginning with ancient Palestine and its encounters with Jewish terrorism, the authors analyze the social, political, and cultural factors that sponsor extreme violence, proving religious terrorism is not the fault of one faith, but flourishes within any counterculture that adheres to a totalistic ideology. When a totalistic community perceives an external threat, the connectivity of the group and the rhetoric of its leaders bolster the collective mindset of members, who respond with violence. In ancient times, the Jewish sicarii of Judea carried out stealth assassinations against their Roman occupiers. In the mid-twentieth century, to facilitate their independence, Jewish groups committed acts of terror against British soldiers and the Arab population in Palestine. More recently, Yigal Amir, a member of a Jewish terrorist cell, assassinated Yitzhak Rabin to express his opposition to the Oslo Peace Accords. Conducting interviews with former Jewish terrorists, political and spiritual leaders, and law-enforcement officials, and culling information from rare documents and surveys of terrorist networks, Pedahzur and Perliger construct an extensive portrait of terrorist aggression, while also describing the conditions behind the modern rise of zealotry.

Two decades ago, the idea that a "radical right" could capture and drive Israeli politics seemed highly improbable. While it was a boisterous faction and received heavy media coverage, it constituted a fringe element. Yet by 2009, Israel's radical right had not only entrenched itself in mainstream Israeli politics, it was dictating policy in a wide range of areas. The government has essentially caved to the settlers on the West Bank, and restrictions on non-Jews in Israel have increased in the past few years. Members of the radical right have assumed prominent positions in Israel's elite security forces. The possibility of a two state solution seems more remote than ever, and the emergence of ethnonationalist politician Avigdor Lieberman suggests that its power is increasing. Quite simply, if we want to understand the seemingly intractable situation in Israel today, we need a comprehensive account of the radical right. In The Triumph of Israel's Radical Right, acclaimed scholar Ami Pedahzur provides an invaluable and authoritative analysis of its ascendance to the heights of Israeli politics. After analyzing what, exactly, they believe in, he explains how mainstream Israeli policies like "the right of return" have served as unexpected foundations for their nativism and authoritarian tendencies. He then traces the right's steady rise, from the first intifada to the "Greater Israel" movement that is so prominent today. Throughout, he focuses on the radical right's institutional networks and how the movement has been able to expand its constituency. His closing chapter is grim yet realistic: he contends that a two state solution is no longer viable and that the vision of the radical rabbi Meir Kahane, who was a fringe figure while alive, has triumphed.

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Israel has changed. The country was born in Europe's shadow, haunted by the Holocaust and inspired by the Enlightenment. But for Israelis today, Europe is hardly relevant, and the country's ties to the broader West, even to America, are fraying. Where is Israel heading? How do citizens of an increasingly diverse nation see themselves globally and historically? In this revealing portrait of the new Israel, Diana Pinto presents a country simultaneously moving forward and backward, looking outward and turning in on itself. In business, Israel is forging new links with the giants of Asia, and its booming science and technology sectors are helping define the future for the entire world. But in politics and religion, Israelis are increasingly self-absorbed, building literal and metaphorical walls against hostile neighbors and turning to ancient religious precepts for guidance here and now. Pinto captures the new moods and mindsets, the anxieties and hopes of Israelis today in sharply drawn sketches of symbolically charged settings. She takes us on the roads to Jerusalem, to border control at Ben Gurion Airport, to a major Israeli conference in Jerusalem, to a hill overlooking the Dome of the Rock and Temple Mount, to the heart of Israel's high-tech economy, and to sparkling new malls and restaurants where people of different identities share nothing more than a desire to ignore one another. Vivid and passionate but underpinned by deep analysis, this is a profound and sometimes unsettling account of a country that is no longer where we might think.

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Albert Einstein was initially skeptical and even disdainful of the Zionist movement, yet he affiliated himself with this controversial political ideology and today is widely seen as an outspoken advocate for a modern Jewish homeland in Palestine. What enticed this renowned scientist and humanitarian, who repeatedly condemned nationalism of all forms, to radically change his views? Was he in fact a Zionist? "Einstein Before Israel" traces Einstein's involvement with Zionism from his initial contacts with the movement at the end of World War I to his emigration from Germany in 1933 in the wake of Hitler's rise to power. Drawing on a wealth of rare archival evidence - much of it never before published - this book offers the most nuanced picture yet of Einstein's complex and sometimes stormy relationship with Jewish nationalism. Ze'ev Rosenkranz sheds new light on Einstein's encounters with prominent Zionist leaders, and reveals exactly what Einstein did and didn't like about Zionist beliefs, objectives, and methods. He looks at the personal, cultural, and political factors that led Einstein to support certain goals of Jewish nationalism; his role in the birth of the Hebrew University; his impressions of the emerging Jewish settlements in Palestine; and, his reaction to mounting violence in the Arab-Jewish conflict. Rosenkranz explores a host of fascinating questions, such as whether Zionists sought to silence Einstein's criticism of their movement, whether Einstein was the real manipulator, and whether this Zionist icon was indeed a committed believer in Zionism or an iconoclast beholden to no one.

This comprehensive book provides a well-rounded introduction to Israel - a definitive account of the nation's past, its often controversial present, and much more. Edited by a leading historian of the Middle East, Israel is organized around six major themes: land and people, history, society, politics, economics, and culture.

The only available volume to offer such a complete account, this book is written for general readers and students who may have little background knowledge of this nation or its rich culture. The contributors to the book, all scholars with extensive firsthand knowledge of Israel, offer accessible, clearly explained material, enhanced with a generous selection of images, maps, charts, tables, graphs, and sidebars.

This book provides readers with a solid foundation of knowledge about Israel and provides useful reference lists by topic for those inspired to read further.

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Gibt es ein judisches Volk? Nein, sagt der israelische Historiker Shlomo Sand und stellt damit den Grundungsmythos Israels radikal in Frage. Vertreibung durch die Romer? Exodus? Ruckkehr nach 2000 Jahren ins Land der Vater? Alles Erfindungen europaischer Zionisten im 19. Jahrhundert, schreibt Sand in seinem aufsehenerregenden Buch, das in Israel und Frankreich zum Bestseller wurde und heftige Kontroversen ausgelost hat.

All modern nation states have a story of their origins, passed down through both official and popular culture, and yet few of these accounts have proved as divisive and influential as the Israeli national myth. The well-known tale of Jewish exile at the hands of the Romans during the first century AD, and the assertion of both cultural and racial continuity through to the Jewish people of the present day, resonates far beyond Israels borders. Despite its use as a justification for Jewish settlement in Palestine and the project of a Greater Israel, there have been few scholarly investigations into the historical accuracy of the story as a whole. In this bold and ambitious new book, Shlomo Sand shows that the Israeli national myth has its origins in the nineteenth century, rather than in biblical times when Jewish historians, like scholars in many other cultures, reconstituted an imagined people in order to model a future nation. Sand forensically dissects the official story and demonstrates the construction of a nationalist myth and the collective mystification that this requires. A bestseller in Israel and France, Shlomo Sands book has sparked a widespread and lively debate. Should the Jewish people regard themselves as genetically distinct and identifiable across the millennia or should that doctrine now be left behind and if the myth of the Jewish state is dismantled, could this open a path toward a more inclusive Israeli state, content within its borders?

All modern nation states have a story of their origins, passed down through both official and popular culture, and yet few of these accounts have proved as divisive and influential as the Israeli national myth. The well-known tale of Jewish exile at the hands of the Romans during the first century AD, and the assertion of both cultural and racial continuity through to the Jewish people of the present day, resonates far beyond Israels borders.
Despite its use as a justification for Jewish settlement in Palestine and the project of a Greater Israel, there have been few scholarly investigations into the historical accuracy of the story as a whole. In this bold and ambitious new book, Shlomo Sand shows that the Israeli national myth has its origins in the nineteenth century, rather than in biblical times when Jewish historians, like scholars in many other cultures, reconstituted an imagined people in order to model a future nation.
Sand forensically dissects the official story and demonstrates the construction of a nationalist myth and the collective mystification that this requires. A bestseller in Israel and France, Shlomo Sands book has sparked a widespread and lively debate. Should the Jewish people regard themselves as genetically distinct and identifiable across the millennia or should that doctrine now be left behind and if the myth of the Jewish state is dismantled, could this open a path toward a more inclusive Israeli state, content within its borders?

What is a homeland, and when does it become a national territory? Why have so many people been willing to die for such places throughout the twentieth century? What is the essence of the Promised Land? Following the acclaimed and controversial The Invention of the Jewish People, Shlomo Sand examines the mysterious sacred land that has become the site of the longest running national struggle of the twentieth century. The Invention of the Land of Israel deconstructs the age-old legends surrounding the Holy Land and the prejudices that continue to suffocate it. Sand's account dissects the concept of "historical right" and tracks the creation of the modern geopolitical concept of the "Land of Israel" by nineteenth - century Evangelical Protestants and Jewish Zionists. This invention, he argues, not only facilitated the colonization of the Middle East and the establishment of the State of Israel; it is also what is threatening the existence of the Jewish state today.

What is a homeland, and when does it become a national territory? Why have so many people been willing to die for such places throughout the twentieth century? What is the essence of the Promised Land? Following the acclaimed and controversial The Invention of the Jewish People, Shlomo Sand examines the mysterious sacred land that has become the site of the longest running national struggle of the twentieth century. The Invention of the Land of Israel deconstructs the age-old legends surrounding the Holy Land and the prejudices that continue to suffocate it. Sand's account dissects the concept of "historical right" and tracks the creation of the modern geopolitical concept of the "Land of Israel" by nineteenth - century Evangelical Protestants and Jewish Zionists. This invention, he argues, not only facilitated the colonization of the Middle East and the establishment of the State of Israel; it is also what is threatening the existence of the Jewish state today.

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This is a study of contemporary ultra-Orthodox religiosity in Israel. It analyses the on-going reconstruction of Haredi culture in Israel, a process which has been spurred on by the challenges of modernity, the worldwide resurgence of religion, and the strong sway of Israeliness. Despite its founders' and the present leadership's long-standing efforts to establish and buttress an community enclave, various modern trends and state institutions are having a profound impact on the yeshiva world.

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Common discourse on Jewish identity in Israel is dominated by the view that Jewish Israelis can, and should, be either religious or secular. Moving away from this conventional framework, this book examines the role of secularism and religion in Jewish society and politics. With a focus on the 'traditionists' (masortim) who comprise over a third of the Jewish-Israeli population, the author examines issues of religion, tradition and secularism in Israel, giving a fresh approach to the widening theoretical discussion regarding the thesis of secularisation and modernity and exploring the wider implications of this identity. Yadgar's conclusions have significant social, cultural and political implications, serving not only as a new contribution to the academic discourse on Jewish-Israeli identity, but as a platform upon which traditionist positions on central issues of Israeli politics can be heard. Offering a detailed investigation into a central and important Jewish-Israeli identity construct, the book is relevant not only to the study of Jewish identity in Israel but also within the wider social-theoretical issues of religion, tradition, modernity and secularization. The book will be of great interest to students of Israeli society and to anyone looking into the issues of Jewish identity, Israeli nationalism and ethnicity, religion and politics in Israel, and the sociology of religion.

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